For this take-home final, you are to write either two 4 to 5 page answers—one on Indonesia (Part A) and the other on the Uyghurs (Part B)—OR one 8 to 10 page exam comparing the two cases (Part C). You are to use Harsono’s Race, Islam, and Power: Ethnic and Religious Violence in Post-Suharto Indonesia and Roberts’ The War on the Uyghurs: China’s Internal Campaign against a Muslim Minority as your primary sources. Your take home final is due Thursday June 10th by the end of the day on eLearn/Canvas. Please make sure your responses follow these formatting requirements:
• 12 point Helvetica, Times, or Times New Roman Font
• Separate Cover Page (which does not count towards your total page length)
• Double Spacing and Normally Spaced Marings
• A consistent form of citation (APA, MLA, or Chicago)
Indonesia – Part A (Choose One)
1 Compare the Indonesian government’s responses to secessionism in Aceh, East Timor, and West Papua. How did the government respond to these demands from the Acehnese, the East Timorese, and the West Papuans? How did those responses vary under Suharto’s New Order Regime and under democracy after 1998? Which response(s) in which region(s) has proven be to the most effective and lasting? Why?
2 Compare and contrast the issues concerning the treatment and rights of religious minorities and ethnic minorities in Indonesia. What problems and challenges have these minorities faced? How has the government dealt with their issues and concerns both under authoritarianism and under democracy? Are these groups more integrated into Indonesian economics, politics, and society under democracy? Why or why not?
3 Compare and contrast the issues with migrants on their impact on ethnic tensions and violence in different parts of Indonesia. How did violence in Ambon and the Moluccas (Maluku)flare up over issues concerning migrants? What about Sulawesi and West Papua? How does that violence compare with the clashes in Kalimantan between the Madurese and the Dayaks? Was it merely resettlement policies of the Suharto government that are to blame for this violence? Why or why not?
Xinjiang, the Uyghurs, and China – Part B (Choose One)
1 Why do the Uyghurs desire an independent state? What grievances have they experienced at the hands of the Chinese government that fuel secessionism and Uyghur nationalism? How has the Chinese Communist Party responded to these grievances? Have those responses aggravated secessionism or reduced it? Why or why not? Provide examples.
2 According to Roberts, how have Chinese claims of terrorism by Uyghur “extremists” justified their actions and policies in response to that purported terrorism? What evidence exists that Uyghur groups were involved in terrorist organizations that threatened the Chinese state? Exactly how do the Uyghurs’ desire for greater autonomy, rights, and self-determination threaten China’s national interests and national security? What are the implications of how China’s rulers perceive that threat?
3 What is the current situation in Xinjiang in 2021? How has the Chinese government responded to recent waves of riots, unrest, terrorist attacks, and agitation by Uyghurs? How can one characterize that response by the CCP and Chinese authorities? What has been the result of those efforts by the Chinese authorities? What do these actions, policies, and efforts mean for Uyghur demands for independence and self-determination? How do these actions by the CCP affect Uyghur political demands and aspirations?
OR
Part C (Indonesia and China)
1 Compare and contrast the Indonesian and Chinese government’s responses to secessionism and regional ethnic unrest. What are the common responses by authoritarian governments to political demands for greater self-determination by ethnic minorities? What are some of the differences between the response of the Indonesian government under Suharto and the Chinese government controlled by the CCP? Now contrast those responses with the Indonesian government in Jakarta currently headed by the democratically elected President Joko Widodo with the present authoritarian government in Beijing headed by President Xi Jinping: are these governments responding differently to secessionist demands? Why or why not? How do these responses shape the demands and aspirations of ethnic groups seeking an independent homeland?
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